The necropolis of Pantikapaion (Kerch, Crimea)
The greek colony Pantikapaion, the modern Kerch, is
located on the eastern Crimea, directly at the Cimmerian Bosporos. Pantikapaion
is an important site for the body of knowledge on Greek art of the late
classical period. The finds made in the necropolis of this Greek colony include
high quality vases of the 4th century BC imported from Athens, wooden sarcophagi
and precious metal objects.
Many of the pieces belong to archaeological handbooks like
the fragments of a sarcophagus from the tumulus burial, the Kul Oba Kurgan near
Kertsch. The ivory plaque is decorated with a sketh showing the Judgement of
Paris. Furthermore Kerch lends its name to a
group of late classical vases made in Athens, which were found in particularly
large number on the Crimea: the so called “Kertscher Vasen“.
In the
following I can´t give you a comprehensive survey of all these materials or of
my project, which aims to reconstruct the necropolis of Pantikapaion. Rather, I
would like to present the 4th century necropolis under a concrete formulation of
the question, which results from the specific political situation of
Pantikapaion in the late classical period. In the first half of the 6th century
BC the Greek colony of Pantikapaion was founded by colonists from Miletos in
Asia Minor. In the 5th century the polis became capital of a territory, which
stood since 438/7 BC under the rule of the Spartocidian Kings.
Characteristic of the Bosporan Kingdom (Fig.1)
is the combination of Greek poleis and non-Greek tribes, which occurs in an
inscription naming the titles of Leukon I ruling from 389-349 BC. He is archon
of the Greek poleis as well as basileus of the local tribes. Due to
the construction of the Spartocidian rule we have to proceed from the
coexistence of Greek and non-Greek groups. At the same time the Bosporan kings
had intensive contact with Athens. As such, the Bosporan Kingdom was the most
important grain supplier of Athens. Athen in response bestowed different honours
to the Bosporan kings, which are handed down to us by monuments and literary
sources. For the evaluation of the material culture of the Bosporan Kingdom it
is to be noted that the grain trade produced good conditions for the constant
supply of Greek goods. In addition to this we have to proceed from a mutual
knowledge of each others culture.
Thus, Pantikapaion was integrated as a Greek colony into a
territorial rule with a prehellenistic character. At the same time, the Bosporan
Kingdom was in close contact with Athens and lay in a direct contact zone to
other non-Greek cultures.
Therefore, we have to ask in which way this specific
situation has had influence on the appearance of the necropolis and the grave
rites of Pantikapaion? Furthermore, we have to ask for the forms of cultural
exchange and the marking of cultural differences in this contact zone of Greek
and non-Greek societies.
With this, we touch upon one of the fundamental problems in
the history of the northern Black Sea region. Mikhail Rostowzew’s ideas still
dominate today’s conceptions of the relationship between Greek and non-Greek
societies outside Russian and Ukrainian archeological and historical research,
in particular, his construction of a Scythian Greek dualism as a determinant,
which exerts an influence on the culture of this region. This sharp contrast is
dissolved by research done in recent years, expanding into a more differentiated
picture. In order to fully convey to you the situation in the northern Black Sea
region, allow me to make a short digression into the earliest phase of the Greek
colonisation.
An intensive settlement along the western and northern coasts
of the Black Sea by Greeks commenced during the 2nd half of the 7th century BC
and particularly in 6th century BC. The Greeks from Miletos aimed primarily for
the mouths of the great rivers and then for the Cimmerian Bosporos as well. We
can observe a similar development of all the colonies on the western, northern
and eastern coasts of the Black Sea. This concerns both the first phases of the
Greek colonisations and the development of trade as well as the acceptance of
Greek objects by non-Greek tribes.
When the first colonies were established by Greeks, local
settlements were already in existence. Whether these native settlements were
situated, however, exclusively in the hinterland or also on the coasts is not
clear. In modern archeological research, opinions on this vary depending on the
intentions of the modern states to attribute themselves to the local ancient
cultures. In addition to this, modern boundaries divide up the ancient cultures
and often define new cultural areas. This makes it difficult to give a
comprehensive survey of the cultural contacts in the Black Sea region.
Nevertheless, similar observations are made again and again
in the different regions. The imported vases are of eastern Greek origin first
and were replaced more and more by Attic pottery during the second half of the
6th century BC. The pottery was found nearly exclusivly in the surroundings of
the Greek settlements in the Archaic period and only as single finds in the
hinterland. In the late 5th and 4th centuries BC we found a wide spread
distribution of imported pottery. A diffusion of Greek imported pottery and its
imitation is then a typical phenomenon of the Hellenistic period.
The well-preserved condition of the pottery and the interest
in Greek products in the archaeological research evoke the one-sided picture of
a Greek influence on non-Greek cultures. The consideration of the first Greek
settlements requires, however, a revision of our Graecocentric and quite
Athenocentric model of the world. The earliest traces of the Greek settlements
refer to an acceptance of non-Greek designs and cultural properties by Greek
settlers, as well. This is documented for Kolchis, Thrakia and also the nothern
Pontic area. However, I cannot demonstrate this development for Kerch in detail,
because the material is not well published. Therefore, some notes to Olbia will
have to be sufficient.
In the actual archeological research, the foundation of the
Greek colonies is said to have been a rational and systematic procedure.
Wolfgang Hoepfner, for example, combined a set of maps in the "Geschichte
des Wohnens," published in 1999. The selection and graphic layout give the
impression of a uniform behavior of the Greek colonists. With the exception of
Herakleia Pontike, which is situated on the south coast of the Black Sea, the
examples are all from the Magna Graecia. The foundation of the colonies in the
Geometric and Archaic period is based on the model by Hoepfner, in which all
Greek colonies followed a formulaic plan: "Alle Kolonien waren Streifenstädte
".
The earliest buildings in Olbia convey an irritating picture
of another behaviour of the Greek colonists from Miletos. The reconstruction by
the Russian archeologist Kryzickij outlines a model, in which the
Greeks had dug out a hole in the earth, erected a rough-hewn trunk as a pillar
for a temporary tent-like roof, and ultimately, lived inside this pithouse. But
it is not only the strange looking construction of the pithouses that differs
from the model of Hoepfners “Streifenstadt“. It is also the layout of the
settlement itself, which does not follow the structure of the cities shown
above. The Archaic quarter in Olbia consists of individually standing pithouses,
so called dug-outs and semi dug-outs, which were loosely aligned with roads.
Although this primitive and unsystematic behaviour of the
Greeks, suggested by the frequently published reconstruction of the Olbian
house, has provoked criticism, we have to accept the existence of pithouses as
dwellings of the Greek colonists. Such pithouses are also a typical phenomenon
of prehistoric excavations and of this region in modern times.
In the late 19th century similar pithouses are documented as
dwelling houses in the Romanian Dobrudscha based on sketches and photographs.
The dimensions and some of the features of the layout are very similar to the
ancient pithouses. After all, in Olbia, not only round, but also rectangular
pithouses existed.
The photographs, however, are more important to our
understanding of this design. They show us, that the pithouses existed in
completely different forms. Besides primitive huts, which remind us of the
reconstruction published for Olbia, there are also more sophisticated
constructions. Thus, the pithouses of antiquity do not have to be reconstructed
as primitive slum huts. In this way we lessen the contrast between the usual
conceptions of Greek designs of this time.
In addition, the results at Olbia substantiate the claim that
Greeks and local inhabitants made use of the pithouses, and furthermore, that
the Greeks took over not only the local designs, but the local pottery, as well.
Thus, the local pottery found in the houses was completely
different in composition of its origin. Though they are products of different
local tribes, these vases have in general a brownish-black color, and are
decorated with incised lines and a polished surface. The acceptance of the
pithouses and local pottery by the Greeks becomes understandable in comparision
with the Greek culture in Miletos itself.
If you compare both cultures, it becomes clear that the drop
off is not defined by the contrast between pithouses and Streifenstadt or Greek
painted pottery and rough local ware. Usually, though, the ground plan of houses
in Miletos was not of a sophiticated layout in the Archaic period.
The eastern Greek pottery production is also characterized by
similar rough grey pottery. This slide shows examples from the necropolis of
Assos. The obvious similarities in some sectors of these two cultural regions
may have been the reason for the acceptance of the local culture by Greek
colonists from Miletos. We thus have early traces of an acceptance of certain
forms of local culture by the Greeks of the Black Sea region. This does not mean
that the relationship between the Greeks and non-Greeks was harmonious and free
from military conflicts. However, there are no signs of a fundamental dualism
between Greeks and non-Greeks. Rather, the relationship was more differentiated,
also in Pantikapaion.
Our perception of the Greek acceptance of local culture, as
in the pithouse interpretation, creates a basis for an unbiased analysis of the
necropolis of Pantikapaion. In the following I will give you a survey first of
the topography of Pantikapaion and its necropolis and then of the design and
grave constructions and grave assembleges.
The topography of Pantikapaion (Fig.2) is dominated by the
so-called mount Mithridates. This range of hills rises 92 m above sea level and
runs from the Zolotoji Kurgan east-west to the sea. The eastern peak is known as
the "first throne of Mithridates", here on the slide photorgraphed
from west. Together with the western plateau it forms the Akropolis and centre
of the city. West of it the "second throne of Mithridates" is
situated.
The Archaic city of the early 6th century (Fig.14) extended
over the "first throne of Mithridates" (Fig.14,
Nr. I) and the western
plateau. The map combines the modern city layout and the informations of
different excavation reports. In late 6th and early 5th century BC we find
houses in the nothern area, also, which is adjacent to the “first throne of
Mithridates“. The thus excavated necropolis of the 6th and 5th centuries BC is
situated on the west and the north slopes of the "second throne of
Mithridates" (Fig.14, Nr. II).
As the capital of the Bosporan Kingdom, the city underwent
fundamental changes. The irregular layout of the archaic and early classical
city was replaced by an approximate orthogonal plan of the terraces and
buildings. A great building complex from the last third of the 4th century BC
was discovered on the eastern plateau, and identified by excavators as belonging
to the palace of the Bosporan kings. The reconstruction by Tolstikov portrays
the situation of the 3rd century BC. Beside the Palace, a fortification and
different sanctuaries have been discovered.
The study of the burials on the eastern Crimea and the Taman
peninsula were started in late 18th century. The excavations were intensified in
the 2nd half of the 19th and early 20th century. Some of the burials excavated
in the first half of the 19th century were published in 1854, and then in the
second edition by S. Reinach in 1892 under the titel Antiquités du Bosphore
Cimmérien. Most important for the reconstruction of the grave assemblages are
the volumes "Compte Rendu de la Commission Impériale Archéologique”,
which since 1860 have also been published in a Russian version, titled
"Otcet Imperatorskoj Archeologiceskoj Kommissii ". In this journal you
will find detailed descriptions of the burials and the grave goods, some of
which are depicted and discused in greater detail by Stephani. From the end of
the 19th century until 1918, further reports of the imperial commission
appeared, giving only a very cursory survey of the excavations in Pantikapaion.
Similarly the publication of a new journal, the “Izvestija Imperatorskoj
Archeologiceskoj Kommissii“ has been started. There you will find the
archeological reports of Dumberg and Skorpil. Although a number of burials have
been published, for example more than 2000 graves of the necropoleis lying near
the mount Mithridates and in the quarter of Glinisce, neither detailed reports
nor plans of the excavations, and only a few illustrationshave been given.
Moreover, the use of terminology for the shapes and names of pottery and similar
finds differ from our custom. That´s why it´s sometimes difficult to
understand the contexts of the graves, let alone the necropolis, based only on
this information.
The necropolis of the late Classical period (Fig.15) lies in
the range and western slope of the mount Mithridates, between the "second
throne of Mithridates" and the Zolotoji Kurgan. Further burial mounts, so
called kurgany, were excavated in the Juz Oba range of hills.
This most important necropolis (Fig.2) extends from the
Kekuvatskij-Kurgan in the west to the cape of Ak Burun in the east and the
southern cape, on which the Pavlovskoj Kurgan lies. The necropolis of Glinisce
is situated in the northern and northwestern territory of the city where an
important part of the Classical, Hellenistic and Roman necropolis has been
excavated. Another part of the necropolis is located on the bay between Kerch
and the Greek colony, Myrmekion. Numerous earthern graves of simple construction
were uncovered there. In comparision with the grave mounts there are a great
many.
In the cemeteries of Pantikapaion different types of burials
can be demonstrably seen. The simplest and most frequent form is the trench in
the ground. There are numerous tombs built with tiles, wood or stone slabs, as
well. Because of the constant dry climate the tombs built with wood are often
best preserved.
In the Bosporan Kingdom tumulus burials remained the
dominating form of monumental funerary architecture in the Classical period (Fig.7). The grave chambers built of carefully cut stones are normally corbel
vaulted.
Similar in structure are the so-called catacomb graves. These
are grave chambers cut into the ground or the rocky slopes of the hills. These
catacomb graves became well-known by the publication of their patinings by M.
Rostovcev'. Most of them have been excavated on northern slope of mount
Mithridates, some of them within the territory of the Classical city. These
graves, however, are beyond the period that is pertinent here, dating
particularly back to the Roman period.
The majority of burial mounts of the 4th century BC are
characterized by their position in ranges of hills (Fig. 15), such as Mount Mithridates and the Juz Oba or on the capes like Ak Burun. On the map, on the
left slide, marked by dots. In the right slide an unpublished map of Mount
Mithridates with a great many tumuli and catacomb graves can be seen. Tumuli,
however, also occur in the plains, where they were possibly aligned along
ancient roads. The placement of graves along roads could be supposed also for
the necropolis on the coast in the north of Kerch. Here the cemetery follows the
coast, until gradually it turns into the cemetery of the next Greek city,
Myrmekion. Along the course of the bay the assumption of such a road connecting
the two cities is probable.
This merging of the necropoleis makes it difficult to
classify which of the two cities each individual grave belongs to. This is also
true for the burial mounts on the Juz Oba, which are still visible today. This
range of hills lies between Pantikapaion and Tyritake. Therefore, it´s possible
that the burials on the Juz Oba could belong to both cities, even if the
distance to Tyritake seems to be somewhat larger than to Pantikapaion. Smaller
cemeteries far away from the cities could also belong to rural settlements.
Since a detailed map of all settlements and cemetries is missing to date, it is
not possible to outline a picture of the sepulchral landscape. The same problem
is true for the part of the Bosporan Kingdom that lays on the Taman peninsula,
where large numbers of settlements as well as cemeteries are known about. But
the organization of this landscape can currently not be described based solely
on published information.
This means that it is difficult to choose definitively those
graves which have been identified as burials of the inhabitants of Pantikapaion.
Since the borders of the cemeteries are not clearly outlined, the question is
also whether the graves of Greeks and non-Greeks are distinguishable within the
Bosporan Kindgom and extending outward to the local tribes outside the Bosporan
territory. I would like to approach this question in the following two ways:
firstly, in the form of an analysis of the outward appearance of the burial
mounts and secondly by the reconstruction of the grave assemblages.
The tumulus as a grave marker dominates the appearance of
the cemeteries in the Bosporan Kingdom (Fig.7). But the burial mount is
typical, too, of those Scythian graves, which for example, are found in the
region of Bug and Dnepr. For the Scythians, the tumulus is also handed down to
us by Herodotos as a grave marker of royal burials. Although the burial mounts
in the Bosporan Kingdom and in the adjacent regions differ in size, in their
most outer features, they are actually quite indistinct.
There have been many attempts at explaining the occurrence of
burial mounts in the Greek cemeteries and outside the Bosporan Kingdom. For
instance, Gajdukevic interprets the use of burial mounts as a "native
custom" of the Bosporan Kingdom. The archaeologist Cvetaeva proposes that
the Archaic burial mounds in Pantikapaion derives from Greek traditions, which
allegedly have their origin in Asia Minor. Cvetaeva refers to early examples of
the 2nd or early first Millenium BC in Asia Minor, which are not in direct
temporal connection to the establishment of the colony by Greeks from Miletos.
On the other hand, she attributes the burial mounts of the Classical period to
the Scythian custom.
Gajdukevic and Cvetaeva construct an inverse relationship in
light of the fact that archaeologists widely view Greek culture as having
influenced non-Greek culture. Indeed the burial mounts are very much a
determining factor for the Thracian and Scythian necropoleis in view of a
longer, local tradition. Therefore, the obvious supposition is that there exists
a "barbarian" influence on Greek grave rites. Nevertheless, the same
phenomenon could be explained by the Greek’s own traditions. In Pantikapaion
burial mounts are also known in the Archaic period, and comparable burial mounts
have not been found to exist only in the 2nd and first millenium BC in Asia
Minor. They have furthermore been found during the Archaic period. For this
reason, it can also be assumed that the early colonists brought this form of
grave marker with them.
If not for the construction of the grave chambers, it would
be nearly impossible to determine the history and direction of influences of the
tumuli as grave markers. The use of tumuli, however, was a general phenomenon in
different cultures of the Mediterranean Sea and the Black Sea during major
periods. Therefore, local traditions could be ascribed to the origin of this
type of grave monument nearly everywhere.
For this reason, there is no way that the simultaneous
occurrence of mounts in Pantikapaion and ouside the Bosporan Kingdom can be
attributed to local or foreign influences. This observation, however, leads to
the question of which methodical possibilities exist in distinguishing between
the burial mounts of different ethnicities.
Firstly, a differentiation is possible by choosing a special
form for the grave chamber. The Scythian mounts of the Bug and Dnepr region
possess catacombs which are cut into the ground. At the same time, they do not
have an outwardly visible or architectonically shaped entrance. By way of
contrast, the mounts from the 4th century BC, lying on the Crimea and Taman
peninsula in proximity to the Greek poleis (Fig.3,
Fig.4,
Fig.5), have well built grave
chambers and facades, like those of the Thracian and Macedonian tumuli. The
entrances of these grave chambers would not have been visible from the outside,
just as it is to be assumed for the complex arrangement of facades of the
Macedonian tumuli. Thus, in both cultural regions the grave chambers were to be
seen only during the funeral ritual and the locking of the graves. That´s why
the grave chamber does not function as a visible dinstinctive element.
The erection of tomb stones or sculptures is another tool in
the identification of diversity and ethnicity. In Pantikapaion the simplest form
is the plain tomb stone crowned with a palmette. Grave markers also exist in the
form of painted tomb stones and sculptures with anthropomorphic features. Most
of them are not found in situ in the necropolis of Pantikapaion but in a
secondary use. These grave markers, however, have not been exclusively connected
with tumuli. Some may have served as a way of marking simple graves. For the two
grave markers the connection between them and the burial mount is secured by the
context in which they were found. The relief on the left slide measures 2.60 in
hight. It shows a woman sitting in a quadriga, a horsemen and a young boy with
long hair. With a tumulus, the marble fragments of a statue were connected, from
which could be restored a horseman. You can identify the fragment of a leg with
long trousers. Both reliefs were not found in Pantikapaion, but on the territory
of the Bosporan Kingdom.
On the western Crimea can be found plastic decoration that
was used for native burial mounts. Normally they show a highly simplified, flat
sculpture of a standing warrior, for whom the mount was presumably erected.
Thus, the burial mounts in the Bosporan Kingdom, as well as
those outside, were decorated by sculpture, in order to render the outer
appearance of the burial mounts indistinguishable from the existence of the
grave decoration itself. Only the form of the sculpture differs. It is thus a
matter of perspective, in which one standing close to the burial mount is able
to observe such distinctions, whereas from a distance subtle differences are
simply not visible. The ethnicity of the deceased could therefore only be marked
by the localization of the graves.
Concerning the outer appearance of the necropoleis, it is
thus remarkable that at the border of different ethnicities neither the
"barbarians" nor the "Greeks" chose opposite models to
dinstinguish “themselves“ from “the other“.
Such models existed in the Greek World during the Classical
period and were recognizable to the inhabitants of the Bosporan kingdom, such as
the necropolis of Athens, by the grave terraces which flanked the roads. Because
of the close economic and cultural relations with Athens, these Athenian
cemeteries were widely known by the inhabitants of the Bosporan kingdom. Thus
Isokrates stressed those very close relations between the Bosporan King Satyros
(433/2-389/8 BC) and Athens (Isokr. XVII 3). He also mentioned the presence of
inhabitants of Pantikapaion in Athens (Isokr. XVII 5). The connections with
Athens have been furthermore documented by the sporadic import of Attic tomb
stones and their imitation in local stone.
The
absence of a clear demarcation in the outside feature of the necropoleis is even
interesting, since on this level no Scythian-Greek or Greek-barbarian contrast
is recognizable. This means that the construction of self-identity by the
demarcation of the "other" in the periphery of Greek culture, as
described in recent archeological and historical studies on Athens, does not
work on this level of funeral rites.
The outer appearance of the burial mounts is astonishingly
homogeneous. The affiliation with an ethnicity is not clearly marked. Such
differences could have been expressed for example by jewelry, military equipment
or costume during the funeral and later celebrated rituals or by the ritual
itself. In this system of grave goods and personal possessions, red-figured
vases have also had a specific function.
Those central elements involved in the furnishing of the
chamber tomb would be found in the wooden sarcophagi, if they have not been
destroyed. In the majority of the grave chambers, Attic red-figured pelikai and
sometimes also lekaneis stood beside the sarcophagi. This set is visible in the
two slides showing chamber tombs in the Juz Oba
(Fig.3,
Fig.4,
Fig.5). Inside the
sarcophagi the excavators have found a sizeable amount of alabastra made of
alabaster.
This standard has been raised by objects that denote the
social function or gender of the deceased, for example by costume, military
equipment and jewellery. The
objects are all of high quality, richly decorated and made of precious material.
In the following I would like to show you some examples. In a
grave chamber
(Fig.4,
Fig.5)
dating back to the middle of the fourth century BC, a
wooden sarcophagus was found covered with a violet cloth. Outside stood a
red-figured lekanis (Fig.17) and
pelike (Fig.16) of high quality. Inside the sarcophagus, the skeleton of a
woman with golden earrings in the form of a Menad
(Fig.19, Fig.18), a necklace, one
finger ring (Fig.20), two scarabs (Fig.21,
Fig.22), one of which hung from a
golden chain, and a bronze mirror were all found.
The wealth and quality of such elaborate jewellery is typical
for the graves of rich women in the Bosporan Kingdom. The quality of the grave
goods is well documented in another burial of a young woman. A wooden
sarcophagus, pelike, lekanis and oil flasks were found in a grave built with
stone slabs. Additionally, two earrings bearing pendants in the form of female
heads were found. These exquisite pendants are made of gold with enamelled eyes
and diadem. Golden head-pendants such as these, which are enriched by a
polychrome technique, are nummerous in South Russia. Furthermore, two wooden
dolls in a wooden box were found in the grave. These wooden boxes or baskets are
also typical for the graves of the rich in the Bosporan Kingdom.
Another grave could be identified as belonging to a male. The
deceased is characterized by the combination of strigilis and alabastra, as well
as a staff, all of which connote typical attributes of the male Greek citizen.
In this particular case, however, we cannot be entirely certain because the
staff is actually a rush staff. Similarly, we cannot quite classify the form of
a wooden staff found in another grave of a deceased male. Thus, the association
with the staff of the Greek citizen is not wholly substantiated. Further studies
are necessary to explain the form and significance of such attributes.
The connection of these attributes with the social position
of a male Greek citizen is more explicitly expressed outside of the Bosporan
Kingdom in the Greek colony Chersonesos Taurike, which lies along the Western
Crimea. Painted grave stelai were found in this polis. The decoration of the
stelai consists of attributes which denote the social status and gender of the
deceased. Tomb stones for male members of the familiy might be decorated by a
stick, strigilis and aryballos or weapons, and for female family members the
alabastron was significant. This choice of attributes is typical for the grave
markers in Chersonesos Taurike. At the same time they stress the difference
between the Bosporan Kingdom and this non-Bosporan polis. In Pantikapaion social
position and gender role were not expressed only by attributes appearing on the
grave stelai, as far as we are able to judge at the moment. Thus, in the
territorry of the Bosporan Kingdom the grave goods seem to carry more
significance. But futher studies will have to be conducted.
In other burial mounts in Pantikapaion military equipment was
used to characterize the deceased as a warrior. One of the best known examples
is the so called Kekuvatski Kurgan. The Kekuvatskij Kurgan contains all the
typical elements of the rich bosporan burial mounts: a grave chamber with
corbelled roof, a wooden sarcophagus and a pelike (Fig.8).
The warrior is characterised by a golden wreath, a golden finger ring in the
form of three lions, a Chalcidian helmet (Fig.9) and bronze greaves
(Fig.10),
215 arrow heads (Fig.12, Fig.13), an iron sword with a golden hilt in a non-Greek
but „Scythian“ form (Fig.11), and a flat whetstone.
Thus, the context of the grave combines elements of varying
origin. The sword and the arrow heads are of „Scythian“ form, even though
such arrow heads were also produced in Pantikapaion. The pelike, the finger
ring, the helmet, greaves and wreath are all elements of Greek form and origin,
and the form of the grave chamber itself and the wooden sarcophagus are typical
Bosporan elements.
Upon a first and superficial glance of the inventory of grave
gifts, the question of the identity of the deceased is already raised. Had he a
Greek, Scythian or rather Bosporan identity? May the pelike be interpreted as
signifying a Greek funeral ritual?
The pelike is a work of an Athenian vase painter, the Marsyas
Painter, dating back to approximately 360 BC. In archaeological literature the
pelike is often interpreted as a shape possessing a particular function in the
burial rituals of Greek cemeteries. Thus, the pelike in the Kekeuvatskij Kurgan
may be understood as a sign of Greek burial custom, as well as a Greek tool of
identifying the deceased.
But the premise for this assumption is not entirely correct.
In Greek cemeteries, as in the necropoleis of Athens or Olynthos, very few
pelikai have been found in the form of grave goods or cinerary urns. Otherwise,
the pelike is frequently used in the graves of the Bosporan Kingdom.
Thus, the pelike in the Kekuvatskij Kurgan cannot indicate a
Greek burial custom. However, we can describe the typical Bosporan custom of
placing a pelike in a grave. The pelike, or more precisely, the Attic
red-figured pelike, is something like a Leitform, or key fossil, for the culture
of the Bosporan Kingdom.
The importance of the import of Attic red-figured pelikai for
the grave ritual and the demand which results from this, are also shown by the
occurrence of locally produced pelikai, or so called „Aquarellpeliken“
(Fig.6). They are not produced in a red-figured technique but rather in a polychrome
painting technique comparable to that of the Hellenistic pottery. The chronology
of these pelikai can be confirmed, since they are somtimes combined with Attic
red-figured vases in a grave.
Thus, the elements of the Kekuvatskij Kurgan graves‘
inventories represent multiple influences and cannot be assigned to merely one
culture. „Scythian“ weapons are combined with Greek imports and objects
reminiscent of Greek shape. The grave chamber, wooden sarcophagus and the use of
the pelike as a grave good can be interpreted as typical elements of the
Bosporan burial custom. Therefore, we are able to describe not the ethnical
differences but rather the more homogeneous features of the Bosporan burial
custom.
Due to the differentiation between simple earth graves and
the burial mounts belonging to the elite, it seems reasonable to regard these
burial mounts as elements of the funerals of the Bosporan elite, in which status
is indicated by a specific selection of former possessions to be buried with the
deceased, as well as decoration of the grave. This way of marking one´s status
is not the same way documented by the necropoleis in, for example, Olynthos and
Athens. It is, however, a modus known by Scythian and other non-Greek graves. In
these cases, though, the Attic red-figured vases are of no significance. The
grave goods consist of objects and containers of precious metal.
Thus, we have a difference between the graves of the Greek
mainland and the Bosporan Kingdom, as well as a difference between the Scythian
and Bosporan graves. The elite of the Bosporan Kingdom had thus created their
own convention of self-representation and denotation of social status by means
of grave goods. Ethnical diversity does not seem to play an important role in
this system.
In constrast to the value of the materials, their elaborate
and decorative quality are of the utmost importance. I think that this is the reason for the
demand of the high quality “Kertscher Vasen“. With their polychromy, gilding
and exquisite execution, they fit well into the Bosporan system of status
symbols.
In reference to the opening question concerning Bosporan
culture, the demarcation between the ethnicities living there does not hold such
great importance when compared with the construction of a new Bosporan identity,
in which parts of different cultures, particularly the Greek culture, are
adopted and used.
Sources for the scans are mainly:
S.
Reinach, Antiquités du Bosphore Cimmérien (1892)
Compte Rendu de la Commission Impériale Archéologique
1859–1888 (1860–1893)
Literature:
F.
Fless, Rotfigurige
Keramik als Handelsware. Erwerb und Gebrauch attischer Vasen im mediterranen und
pontischen Raum während des 4.
Jhs. v. Chr.
(im
Druck, Erscheinungsdatum Herbst 2002).
Year 2002
